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(YT-21: dp. 275; 1. 112'; b. 27'3"; dr. 7'; s. 10 k.)
Pawnee (YT-21) was built in 1896 by Rodermund & Co. Tompkins Cove, N.Y. as the steam lighter John Dwight, purchased by the Navy 6 May 1898 from George T. Moon, and commissioned the same day.
She was assigned to the 3rd Naval District and operated at the New York Navy Yard until she decommissioned 24 March 1922. Pawnee was sold 25 July 1922 to Seabury & DeZafra Inc., New York, N.Y.
PAWNEE ATF 74
This section lists the names and designations that the ship had during its lifetime. The list is in chronological order.
- Navajo Class Fleet Tug
Keel Laid October 23 1941 - Launched March 31 1942
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Pawnee II YT-21 - History
In 1959, with the opening of the new Bingham Oceanographic Laboratory building next door, the Bingham Oceanographic Collection was integrated into the Yale Peabody Museum’s Division of Vertebarate Zoology ichthyology collection. (The Bingham Lab had been housed in a former residential mansion on Hillhouse Avenue in New Haven—the library was in a paneled grand ballroom lit by a crystal chandelier, and the fish collection was stored in a brick-paved wine cellar!)
Harry Payne Bingham, a graduate of Yale and a New York City businessman, sponsored 3 oceanographic expeditions for fish and invertebrate specimens for his own private research collection. The first expedition, in 1925, was to the Caribbean Sea aboard Bingham’s yacht Pawnee. The second expedition, in 1926, to the Pacific coast of Central America and the Gulf of California was aboard Bingham’s newly built yacht Pawnee II, which was specially designed for deep sea trawling and research. The third expedition, with the Pawnee II in 1927, was concentrated around the Bahamas and, to a lesser extent, Bermuda. Louis L. Mowbray and Francis West were enlisted to collect, preserve and identify the specimens from the first 2 expeditions. Charles M. Breder, Jr. described many of the new fishes.
Albert E. Parr, the new curator of Bingham’s growing fish collection, went along on the third expedition. Also in 1927, Bingham established the Bulletin of the Bingham Oceanographic Collection to publish the research on his specimens. In 1928, Bingham brought his entire collection to New Haven for a 2-year loan to Yale’s Peabody Museum of Natural History, where Parr became Assistant Curator of Zoology. When the loan expired in 1930, Bingham donated the entire collection to the Peabody Museum and set up the Bingham Oceanographic Foundation to continue the research in marine biology and oceanography, and to publish the results. Parr exchanged publications with other institutions and societies, and the Yale Peabody Museum library quickly grew.
By 1929, the Bingham Oceanographic Foundation had “under a joint research program with the U.S. Bureau of Fisheries…launched into a study of the spawning and early life history of the North and Middle Atlantic fishes of our shores. Mr. Parr directed a cruise in the Delaware Bay region for 4 months last summer .” Many of the specimens collected from 1929 to 1935 are now at the Academy of Natural Sciences in Philadelphia. In 1932, the Yale North India Expedition examined the geology, anthropology and biology of the region around the Ladak Range in northern India and western Tibet. The fishes collected and subsequently reported on, including three new species of cobotids, are not in the Division’s collections, but presumably may be found at the Indian Museum in Calcutta.
Through the 1930s the Foundation also conducted four joint cruises with the Woods Hole Oceanographic Institution using its ship, Atlantis, to investigate the fauna, flora and oceanography of the Gulf of Mexico, the Caribbean, and the Sargasso Sea. On these cruises Parr made many hydrographic studies, examined the Sargassum weed and tested an experimental trawl net designed to capture larger fish specimens. Charles Breder, now a Research Associate of the Bingham Laboratory, accompanied Parr on the 1934 cruise to study the life history of flying fishes.
In 1937, through a gift from Henry Sears, Parr established the Sears Foundation for Marine Research to promote research and publication in marine sciences. Sears had studied oceanography at Yale and donated a small collection of fishes from Tahiti. The Foundation’s Journal of Marine Research and its Memoirs of the Sears Foundation of Marine Research (including the series Fishes of the Western North Atlantic) remain important references today.
When Parr left New Haven in 1942 to become the director of the American Museum of Natural History, he left behind a strong legacy in deep sea ichthyology. His successor at the Bingham Oceanographic Laboratory was his student Daniel Merriman, whose interests ran towards fisheries and applied aspects of marine biology. Ernest F. Thompson, formerly Fisheries Officer for Jamaica, became a Research Assistant in 1944 and then a curator from 1946 to 1949.
Although Merriman was occupied more by the administration of the Bingham Oceanographic Laboratory and as Master of Yale’s Davenport College, after World War II collecting expeditions were launched to Nepal (1947), New Zealand (1948), Kenya (1950), Alaska (1951), Peru and British Guiana (1953), Sri Lanka, Maldives, Seychelles, and the Chagos Archipelago (1957). The Nepal expedition was conducted by Edward C. Migdalski, a preparator and collector for the fish collection. Most of the other expeditions included ichthyologist James E. Morrow, a student of Merriman’s interested in billfishes, and the unofficial curator of fishes from 1949 until 1960, when he left Yale. His successor, Alfred W. Ebeling, Assistant Professor of Biology and Assistant Curator in Vertebrate Zoology, wrote on the deep sea stephanoberycoids before he left in 1963. At about this time, a good collection of mesopelagic fishes from the waters southwest of Portugal was donated to the Yale Peabody Museum by Professor Talbot Waterman.
Keith S. Thomson, appointed Assistant Curator of Zoology in 1965, took over the care of the fish collection. Among the areas studies by Professor Thomson’s graduate students were atherinids and cyprinodontids of the eastern U.S. African Great Lake cichlids African and South American lungfishes and fossil fishes. During Thomson’s tenure the Museum acquired a frozen coelacanth, which allowed for new studies on the biochemistry and histology of this unusual fish. Kenneth McKaye served as Assistant Curator of Vertebrate Zoology from 1975 to 1978.
In 2001 the new opened on the site of the Bingham Lab, adjacent to the Peabody Museum.
Adapted from Postilla 206: List of type specimens in the fish collection at the Yale Peabody Museum, with a brief history of ichthyology at Yale University, by J.A. Moore and R.E. Boardman, 1991.
Copyright © 2021, Yale Peabody Museum of Natural History. All rights reserved.
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Pawnee II YT-21 - History
Throughout the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries the Pawnee lived along major tributaries of the Missouri River in central Nebraska and northern Kansas. Historically one of the largest and most prominent Plains tribes, they numbered ten thousand or more individuals during the period of early contact with Europeans. From the end of the eighteenth century to the present, four divisions, generally designated as bands, have been recognized. Northernmost were the Skiris, who spoke a distinct dialect of Pawnee, a Caddoan language, and formed a separate tribe. Until the early nineteenth century the Skiris lived along the north bank of the Loup River, at one time in perhaps as many as thirteen villages, but during the early historical period they occupied a single village. South of them, generally on the south bank of the Platte River but extending as far south as the Republican River in Kansas, lived the Chawis, the Kitkahahkis, and the Pitahawiratas, each of whom usually comprised one village each. The latter three groups, today generally designated the South Band Pawnee, spoke a single dialect of the language.
The Pawnee were semisedentary and represented the horticultural tradition on the Plains. Their life was characterized by alternating patterns of cultivation and High Plains bison hunting. The annual round of that life began in the spring when they lived in permanent villages of dome-shaped earth lodges, domiciles often housing two or more families and twenty or more individuals. During this season economic and ritual activity focused on horticulture: women prepared and planted gardens of corn, beans, and squash men engaged in religious rituals associated with gardening. In June members of each village traveled west onto the High Plains, and for nearly three months they lived in temporary bowl-shaped shelters and hunted bison. In late August they returned to their earth lodge villages to harvest the crops and to take up again a rich, variegated ritual life. In late October or November the people again left their villages for the winter hunt, during which they lived in bison-hide tipis. In February or March the groups returned to their earth lodges to begin the annual cycle anew.
The basic unit of Pawnee social organization was the village. In the first half of the nineteenth century the village and band frequently coincided, and at different times the number of villages in a band varied from two to five or six, each comprising forty to two hundred lodges and ranging in population from eight hundred to thirty-five hundred. At an earlier period the number of villages was apparently greater and the population of each much smaller.
Governing each band or village were four chiefs (a head chief and three subordinate chiefs), who wielded considerable authority. The head chief's position, and that of others, was hereditary, but an individual could achieve chiefly status through success in war. An important symbol of the chief's office, as well as a symbol of the village itself, was the sacred bundle, a religious shrine that represented the history of the band or village. Although the chief owned the bundle, and his wife cared for it, a priest (not the chief) knew its rituals and performed the religious ceremonies associated with it. In secular Pawnee society there were other notable offices. Each chief, for example, was assisted by four warriors who carried out his orders, and he had living in his lodge a crier or herald who made announcements to the village. Chiefs and successful warriors also had living in their lodges one or more young men known as "boys," who were aides to the man of status.
Fundamental to Pawnee ceremonial life is a cultural dichotomy between religion and shamanism that was manifested respectively in the rituals of priests and those of doctors. Rituals largely dominated Pawnee life and distinguished the Pawnee people from other Plains tribes. Although both priests and doctors shared a general concern with the supernatural and attempted to control natural phenomena, what distinguished them were the differences in their objectives, the deities they invoked, and the means by which they sought to achieve their ends.
Priests (kurahus) sought to promote village welfare as mediators between the people and the deities of the heavens (stars and other celestial phenomena), where everything in the world had its origin. Priests sought good fortune and an orderly world through knowledge of the complex rituals and knowledge associated with each village's sacred bundle, a collection of symbolic and ritual objects wrapped up in a buffalo hide casing. Every village had a sacred bundle that served as a sacred object that would save the village and as an altar for its rituals. Through rituals, priests were responsible for weather, plant growth, fertility, and other generalized human concerns that for Pawnees were bountiful crops, plentiful buffalo, and success in war.
In contrast, the deities of doctors (kuraa'u') were animals, birds, and other earthly beings. Their powers were curative, but they also included the ability to mesmerize people or to bring some malady or misfortune on an individual. Among the animals and birds there was no hierarchy. Although some, like the bear, were thought to be especially powerful, all animals, and even insects, had distinctive powers that they could impart to humans. They came to individuals in dreams, usually when a person was in a pitiful state, and taught them their knowledge, "blessing them" as Pawnees say. Often, as among most Plains tribes, a single animal would bestow such power, but among the Pawnee an additional, distinctive theme is the bestowal of various powers by a group of animals in an animal lodge. Such lodges were usually located underwater or on the bank of a body of water, and in them animals of various species were said to meet, arranging themselves in the same manner as Pawnee doctors in the doctors' lodge and performing like Pawnee doctors. Typically, a young man would fall asleep beside a body of water, and an animal would mesmerize him and take him below into the animal lodge, and the animals would invariably pity the young man and bestow their powers on him.
Over the course of the nineteenth century the Pawnee people were subjected to an incessant, ever-increasing interplay of destructive forces that radically changed their lives, all forces that were largely the result of the rapidly increasing influences of an expansionist United States. One was white emigration and transcontinental travel that went directly through traditional Pawnee territory. As the century progressed, emigration swelled, putting increased demands on the region's limited natural resources, that is, on the buffalo and other game required for food, on the pastures and other forage needed by horses, on the wood used for houses and for fuel, and, ultimately, upon the very land the Pawnee considered their own. Simultaneously, the forced removal of eastern tribes to land west of the Mississippi River added approximately 30 percent to the Native population of the eastern Plains and created even more subsistence demands on an already economically uncertain environment. With the increase in population came pressure on the Pawnee to relinquish large portions of their territory. In 1833 the four Pawnee bands, now treated by the government as a single tribal entity, ceded their lands south of the Platte River. Finally, in the 1857 treaty signed at Table Creek, Nebraska Territory, they accepted a small reservation on the Loup Fork of the Platte River, together with monetary and other economic provisions.
White emigration and Indian removal from the East brought devastating disease and warfare to the Pawnee and, more widely, to Indian life on the eastern Plains. Throughout the century a series of epidemics took a steady toll on the Pawnee population. In 1849, for example, cholera killed more than a thousand individuals, and in 1852 a smallpox epidemic, only one of many, reduced the tribe. Equally demoralizing was the loss of life from the unremitting attacks of their enemies, particularly the Sioux. The Pawnee had always been at war with most Plains tribes. Their only friends had been the Arikara, Mandan, and Wichita. They had also enjoyed intermittent peace with the Omaha, Ponca, and Oto, but only because they had inspired fear in them. With all others, particularly the large nomadic ones, there was perpetual conflict. After the treaty of 1833, however, the Pawnee gave up their weapons, renounced warfare, and agreed to take up new lives as agrarians, ostensibly to be protected by the federal government. The effect of this new life of dependency, combined with severe population loss from disease, left the Pawnee vulnerable to their enemies, primarily the Sioux, who vowed a war of extermination. For forty years after that treaty the weaponless and unprotected Pawnee endured constant attacks by Sioux war parties that inflicted a major loss of life. Finally, in 1874 the tribe began a two-year removal to Indian Territory, and there the Pawnee began new lives.
Pressure from the Sioux motivated the Pawnee to furnish scouts who served with the U.S. Army during the Plains Indian wars. The first enlistment comprised ninety-five scouts who served in the 1865–66 Powder River Expedition against the Sioux, Cheyenne, and Arapaho. Shortly afterwards, a battalion of four companies of Pawnee scouts was enlisted to protect workers engaged in constructing the Union Pacific Railroad's transcontinental line through Nebraska and Wyoming during the late 1860s. In 1871 the scouts were mustered out, but again during the 1876–77 campaign against the Sioux and Cheyenne, scouts were enlisted.
From the treaty of 1833 until their move to Indian Territory the Pawnee were also under progressively increasing pressure to change from their traditional lifestyle to the new agrarian one represented by white farmers. Missionary efforts began in 1831, with the arrival of the Presbyterians John Dunbar and Samuel Allis. Government farmers soon settled among the Pawnees as well, and Allis opened a school for Pawnee children. Until 1860, however, most of these efforts at changing Pawnee life were desultory and ineffective. After the tribe settled on a reservation, however, government efforts at acculturation intensified. Conscious of the gradual disappearance of the buffalo, many Pawnees were becoming more amenable to an agricultural way of life by individual families and to education. Nevertheless, right up to their removal from Nebraska, they still clung to their village life. Most people lived in earth lodges, cultivated corn, beans, and squash in the traditional manner, and depended on the buffalo for part of their subsistence.
In 1874 the Pawnee gave up their Nebraska reservation and over a three-year period moved to Oklahoma. Meanwhile, the Pawnee agent had selected a new reservation for them on Cherokee land between the forks of the Arkansas and Cimarron rivers, south of the Osage Reservation. The bulk of this land comprises contemporary Pawnee County. After tribal leaders accepted the land, the tribe, with a population of some two thousand, settled into a pattern of life much like the one they had known in Nebraska. Each band settled on a large, separate tract of land assigned to it and, initially, began cooperatively to farm the band tract. For a short time an attenuated form of their old village life was maintained chiefs, priests, and doctors continued to organize Pawnee social, economic, and religious life. Nevertheless, many younger, progressive Pawnees soon began to move onto individual farms during their first decade in Indian Territory. By 1890 most of the Skiris and a large proportion of the Chawis lived in houses on their own farms, dressing like contemporary whites, and speaking English in daily life.
By the close of the century, then, Pawnee culture fundamentally had changed. The symbols of the old were now by and large vestiges. Village life had been replaced by life on individual farms a mixed horticultural-hunting subsistence pattern had given way to agriculture and government rations the authority of chiefs had been replaced by that of the agent and religious ceremonies and the knowledge of sacred bundles was rapidly disappearing as the priests who possessed that knowledge died and no successors came forward. Doctors' dances were to continue in attenuated form for several decades, but after 1878 the protracted late-summer doctors' dance, in which the doctors demonstrated their powers, ceased.
During the early years on their new reservation the Pawnees tried to provide for themselves by farming. However, the produce proved inadequate, because natural misfortunes occurred. Since no more than one-third of the reservation was suited for cultivation, the government tried to develop a stock-raising program, but that ended in failure in 1882. In that same year, as a result of the Allotment Act, individual families were encouraged to relocate on individual farms. In 1890 most Skiris and a large proportion of Chawis lived in houses on their own farms, and during the decade most Pitahawiratas and Kitkahahkis moved onto their own land as well. At the same time agency officials relentlessly attacked many Pawnee social customs: polygamous marriages, dances, gambling, and feasting. By 1890 Pawnees were relatively prosperous materially and had adopted most of the material culture of their white neighbors. However, over the first three decades of their new residence in Indian Territory, the Pawnee people experienced poor health, coupled with inadequate sanitation and health care. As a result, the population reached a record low of 629 individuals in 1901 and did not begin to recover until the 1930s.
In the same period the Pawnee Agency established the Pawnee Industrial Boarding School, but it could accommodate no more than one-fourth of the tribe's school-age population. In 1879, when the government began establishing off-reservation boarding schools, many Pawnees attended Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Pennsylvania and Hampton Institute in Virginia. When Chilocco and Haskell schools opened, Pawnee children were sent there, too. By 1889 most school-age children were enrolled in the agency or off-reservation boarding schools.
Beginning in 1906 the Pawnee no longer had a tribal government, and they remained unorganized politically during the first three decades of the twentieth century. The Pawnee tradition of hereditary chiefs was still an honored one, and so the chiefs continued to act for the tribe in dealing with U.S. government officials. In the 1930s the situation changed when the Indian Reorganization Act and the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act ushered in a nonassimilationist program that sought to give tribes legal status and economic resources to continue their existence. In 1936 the Pawnees adopted a tribal constitution that established two governing bodies: a chiefs' (or nasharo) council comprised of eight individuals having hereditary rights to chieftainship, elected every four years and a business council made up of eight individuals elected every two years. The business council was to act for the tribe and transact its business, but the chiefs' council was largely a symbolic entity.
Shortly after reorganization, in 1937 Pawnee leaders began a three-decade-long effort to regain the Pawnee Reserve lands surrounding the agency, then on the eastern edge of the town of Pawnee. Ownership was returned to the tribe in 1968, and two tracts were later added. In 1962 the tribe also acquired the former Pawnee Indian School, a complex of stone buildings that had been vacant for twenty years. In 1980 a tribal roundhouse, modeled on the traditional Pawnee earth lodge, was built to serve as a social center for dances and other events. All of those acquisitions have provided the Pawnee Tribe, today the Pawnee Nation, with both a physical and symbolic locus for tribal administration and social identity.
What Pawnees had not regained in a changing world was their former independence. In 1891 the majority of the tribe adopted the ghost dance when it spread among Plains tribes, promising a return to their former way of life before the advent of whites. During that decade the dance was reorganized into a four-day ceremony that ended with a hand game. During ensuing years the hand game, formerly a men's gambling game, became an integral part of the ghost dance, with hand games alternating with periods of dancing to ghost dance songs. Although at first a religious ritual, over the course of the twentieth century it transformed into a social event that lost its original significance. By mid-century, and continuing through the present, there were hand games at least once or twice a month to celebrate birthdays and military furloughs as well as to raise funds for organizations.
The ghost dance also served as a stimulus for the revival of many features of traditional Pawnee culture: the reconstruction of many former men's societies, attenuated versions of the doctors' dance, older dances like the iruska, or war dance, and many games. During the same late-nineteenth-century period Peyotism, now the Native American Church, was introduced to the Pawnees. A small but active group of Pawnee families embraced it and have maintained a membership that continues today.
Most of the revivals of traditional Pawnee life, such as the doctors' dances and the reformed men's societies, had ceased by 1930, but dances like the iruska and young dog dance continued. In 1946 two Pawnee veterans, with tribal support, sponsored a homecoming celebration to honor World War II veterans. Focused around war dancing, the Pawnee Indian Homecoming Celebration, sponsored by the Pawnee Indian Veterans Association, continues as an annual, four-day event held in early July. Pawnees from throughout the United States return home to join with their relatives to celebrate the event. Most of the attendees camp during the celebration and visit with relatives and old friends, and dance. Other contemporary events include also dances, particularly the Veterans Day and Memorial Day observances.
Today the Pawnee Nation flourishes in the area of its former Indian Territory reservation. The Pawnee Reserve is an expanding seat of tribal administration. New departments and new services are represented by new buildings and renovation of older ones. Among the administrative units are the tribal offices, a senior citizens' center, a tribal court, a tribal police department, a library and educational center, and the Bureau of Indian Affairs office building that is leased to the government. The former Pawnee Hospital is now housed in a new, multimillion-dollar health facility, and the tribe has a new gymnasium for promoting better health. Other tribal businesses include a smoke shop on the reserve and a new truck stop with restaurant on tribal land adjacent to the Cimarron Turnpike. With those and with other planned development projects the Pawnee Nation has entered an unprecedented period of prosperity.
George E. Hyde, The Pawnee Indians (1951 reprint, Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1974).
Douglas R. Parks, "Pawnee," in Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 13, Plains, ed. Raymond J. DeMallie (Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution, 2001).
Gene Weltfish, The Lost Universe: Pawnee Life and Culture (New York: Basic Books, 1965).
Muriel H. Wright, A Guide to the Indian Tribes of Oklahoma (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1951).
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The Dickeys become Scotch-Irish
IV. John Dickey III (1584- Oct 1, 1641)(Pedigree Chart #4, No. 1)
John Dickey III was born in 1584 in Glasgow, Scotland. He inherited his father's tenement on Bridge Street and became a merchant of Glasgow. He later sold the property, and was apparently wiped out by the "Great Fire" of June 22, 1601 when he was 17 years old. At a seemingly young age, John was soon to take part in a great historical movement we call the Scotch-Irish immigration.
For five centuries, the English had tried constantly to subdue the island of Ireland however, the Irish people were persistent resisters to subjection. It had become usual practice for the English King to give land to their Anglo-Norman families following a successful campaign in Ireland. In return the King hoped that these "loyal" families would, by living in this new land, maintain and spread English influence and custom, thereby "domesticate" the wild Irish. The problem was that these families almost always intermarried with the Irish, adopted some of their language, implemented some of the Irish customs and patriotism therefore, joining the native Irish in their resistance to English domination. The Dickey family was not different in their experience.
The English viewed the Irish with the same distain as they did the highland Scots (the Dickeys were lowland Scots and often warred with the highland raiders) as little better than savages. Some of the 20th century discord between Northern Ireland and the rest of Ireland began in these significant years around the rule of Queen Elizabeth (1558-1603). England had gone through the Reformation, yet the Reformation had not come to Ireland. On the contrary, the Jesuits, with their usual influence, zeal, and organization, chose Ireland as one of their main centers for their missionary work of the Counter Reformation.
Seeing no solution to the "Irish Problem" through force, Queen Elizabeth adopted the new colonization method. Early attempts to colonize Ireland were met with such resistance by the sheer numbers of Irish in the hills and bogs that the English could not be convinced to stay in Ireland. A more ambitious attempt at colonization was conducted under the rule of King James I (of England VI of Scotland) was made in about 1610 and stated, "that the lands should be planted with British Protestants, and that no grant of fee farm should be made to any person of meer Irish extraction" (The Scotch-Irish: A Social History, James G. Leyburn, 1962, p. 88).
In 1619, John Dickey is found with other Scottish tenants at Dunboy, in the precinct of Portlaugh, County Donegal, Ireland. He was a tenant of John Cunningham, who had received a patent to 1,000 acres at Dunboy. This patent was given pursuant to the British Government's deliberate policy of colonization of Ulster (Northern Ireland) by Scots. The better part of Ulster was assigned to British "undertakers," and the native Irish driven off their lands. The lowland Scots were brought to Ulster as tenants of the undertakers. They soon built fortified towns and developed farms in the Irish countryside.
1619 is also the year that John (35 years old) and Agnes (McIlvaine) had their first born, William, in Dunboy, Ireland. The couple would later have 2 other sons. The date of John and Agnes' marriage is unknown.
It is known that Agnes was the great-grand-daughter of Isabella Kennedy and a McIlvaine. The McIlvaines were staunch supporters of the Presbyterian Church of Scotland. Her father John succeeded his grandfather Sir McIlvaine to the lands in Scotland which had been in the family since the time of Nigel (a Scottish hero during the Wallace and Robert the Bruce era). Because of religious persecution, many families lost their estates in Scotland and were forced to flee for safety.
John Dickey is listed as able bodied with arms, in the muster roll for Dunboy in 1627. He was on a jury at Dunboy, September 19, 1629. He is shown as being of Ballykelly, County Londonderry (August 11, 1637) when he rented two townlands from John Hamilton. He was on a jury there September 7, 1637. He soon was a freeholder of 60 acres at Ballymena, which acreage he purchased from Sir William Stewart on July 6, 1640. On this manor, he built a house in 1640, which existed until it was burned in 1713.
In 1641, the native Irish rose against the British Government and colonists. The Irish in County Antrim, on the west side of the Bann, killed every Englishman and Scotsman on whom they could lay their hands. John Dickey may have been killed in this massacre, although it is likely that he died shortly before the rebellion began. John Dickey died October 1, 1641 at a premature age of 57.
1641 is a famous year in English history. The plantation of Ireland under James I and Charles I had not proved popular with the indigenous Irish population and with the generations of 'Old English' - families who had been in the country for generations. Unlike Scotland and England, those who rose against the King's authority in Ireland tended to be Catholic.
News reached Charles I of the Irish rebellion late in 1641 - at a period of high tension in England (where the populace was already worried concerning Popish conspiracies). The rebellion continued throughout the period of the English Civil War - causing the rebellion to be considered as part of 'The War in Three Kingdoms'. It was only finally subdued during Cromwell's oppressive campaigns in Ireland, which hurled the Scots into a precarious position between the Irish and the English. It is reported that Cromwell's campaign was the reason for the destruction of the Dickey property which resulted in the family moving to Belfast, Ireland.
It is unclear at this time the details of the Dickey political involvement with these historic events however, the author wishes to note to the reader that John III's father, John Jr., may have been a member of Parliament and in the "thick of things." Future editions of the Dickey family history may provide better insight.
V. William Dickey (1619- Oct 7, 1693)
At the age of 22, William Dickey removed to Belfast after the death of his father in 1641, likely because of the Irish rebellion. He petitioned for and was granted relief for losses suffered during the rebellion. This petition, made in 1665, requested 10 shillings per week (about 2 British pounds), the farm at Ballymena having been destroyed.
William Dickey was born in 1619 in Dunboy, Ireland. At the age of 30, he married Sarah McMurtry in 1649 in Belfast, and they had six children. In 1650, they had their first born, Thomas.
On June 11, 1667, William Dickey had a lease of a house and tenement at Castle Street, adjoining the tenement of John Awl or Auld. He rented quarters on High Lane in Belfast, where he was a linen draper (August 3, 1689). Both streets still exist today.
This period of time corresponds with a large boon in the linen industry of which Ireland is still popular today. Initially, English merchants were concerned about the wool industry of Ireland and limited their exports to places like the new American colonies with laws called the Wool Acts. The resourceful Scotch-Irish Protestants learned the skill of using flax to make linens from the newly immigrated French Huguenots. Export of linens was not restricted by English law however, the Irish success caused English merchants and politicians to become jealous. England attempted trade embargos, but Ulster was increasingly prosperous.
France's evocation of the Edict of Nantes, which assured religious liberty to the Huguenots, caused as many as 1 million Protestant French to immigrate to Northern Ireland. Since they too were Calvinists, for the most part they joined the Presbyterian Church and became part of the Scottish communities. With them they also brought an improvement of the methods of manufacturing linen. Ulster's trade thereafter took another forward leap. William, no doubt, was very much a part of this history.
King James II of England was, however, an avowed Roman Catholic. The King appointed Lord-Lieutenant Tyrconnel to drive all English and Scottish colonists out of Ireland, to destroy Protestantism in the country, and to restore the old Roman Catholic faith. In response we can study how William of Orange came to protect the Protestant interests and brought with his victory over the Roman Catholic English in 1690 an era of democratic liberty and religious freedom.
William died on October 7, 1693 at the age of 74.
VI. Thomas Dickey (1650-1728)
Little is know about Thomas Dickey. He was born in 1650 in Belfast, Ireland and must have moved to Muckamore, Ireland (a village between Antrim and Belfast) where he was buried in 1728 at the age of 78.
He married Jane Awl on March 2, 1680 at the age of 30 in Belfast. It is interesting to notice that Thomas seemed to marry the "girl next door" as in 1667 his father William moved the family into a leased house and conveniently the landlord became Thomas' father-in-law.
Thomas and Jane had 5 children. Of these children, George is the first of our Dickey ancestors to immigrate to America. Thomas' first son, William, is also recorded as immigrating to America and settling in Pennsylvania, USA.
Thomas died in 1728 in Muckamore, Ireland.
The Pawnee Nation
The Pawnee Nation originated
On the rolling prairie of the Great Plains.
Pawnee ancestral land is located
On Kansas and Nebraska state domains.
While most of the original nations
Of the Great Plains solely hunted bison,
Pawnee Nation had farming foundations.
Pawnee people planted crops with their kin.
Pawnee women did the cultivation,
While men went hunting with one another.
They are a matrilineal nation,
Tracing their heritage through their mother.
A unique people of the Plains nations,
Pawnee persevered through generations.
The Pawnee are a unique indigenous people of the Great Plains region. Unlike the rivaling nomadic nations of the Dakota, Lakota, Cheyenne, and Arapaho, the Pawnee were sedentary people. Their ancestral lands are found in present-day Nebraska and Kansas. Historically, the Pawnee lived in earth lodges near the Loup, Republican, and South Platte rivers.
Pawnee people would alternate throughout the year between farming crops and hunting bison. The women of Pawnee Nation were responsible for planting and harvesting the year’s crops. The men of Pawnee Nation lived a more nomadic lifestyle as they were responsible for hunting and protecting Pawnee territory.
The Pawnee are a matrilineal people. Historically, ancestral descent was traced through the mother in Pawnee culture. Pawnee worked in a collaborative way. When a young Pawnee couple married, they would move into the woman’s parents’ lodge. Pawnee women also tended to stay within a single lodge with their mother’s family. Pawnee men were more apt to move between lodges as taking multiple sexual partners was common for both men and women in Pawnee culture.
Pawnee and home
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Northrop F-5 Freedom Fighter / Tiger / Tiger II
Authored By: Staff Writer | Last Edited: 07/29/2020 | Content ©www.MilitaryFactory.com | The following text is exclusive to this site.
The Northrop F-5 "Freedom Fighter" / "Tiger" / "Tiger II" series was designed from the outset as a low-cost, lightweight, multi-role Mach 1-capable combat platform. While developed within the United States by the Northrop firm, the fighter went on to find quantitative success outside of the country with over half of the 2,246 completed aircraft serving in foreign militaries worldwide. In all, at least 30 US-allied nations operated the type with many in service even today. Despite lacking the true "all-weather" capabilities of more accomplished fighters of her time, the F-5 made up for her inherent limitations through its excellent agility, ease of maintenance and low-cost functionality - all benefits to the budget-strapped military buyer.
The F-5 was born out of a 1950s US Navy requirement calling for a small, lightweight, jet-powered fighter to operate from the decks of its Escort Carriers. Escort Carriers received their own birth in ocean-going fighting during World War 2. However, Escort Carriers were not designed for the newer, larger types of fighters then entering USN service. Northrop, therefore, responded with their in-house "N-156" lightweight, twin-engine jet fighter proposal. The project was to make use of the General Electric J85 turbojet engine - the same powerplant as used in the Boeing B-52 Stratofortress-launched McDonnell ADM-20 "Quail" subsonic decoy cruise missile - and this installation proved ideal for use in such a small airframe design for the engine outputted a strong thrust-to-weight ratio for its size. However, US Navy interest soon waned after the retirement of her Escort Carrier classes, leaving the future of the N-156 in doubt. Regardless, Northrop engineers forged ahead and spawned the N-156 into two distinct aircraft forms - the single-seat "N-156F" fighter and the two-seat "N-156T" combat trainer.
The USAF took notice of the N-156T twin-seat design. While not looking directly to purchase a new frontline fighter at the time, it did seek a direct replacement for its aging line of Lockheed T-33 "Shooting Star" jet trainers whose own origins traced as far back as the 1940s. The USAF formally selected the N-156T to become the basis of its next -generation jet trainer and the design eventually evolved to become the YT-38 "Talon" and, ultimately, becoming the well-known Northrop T-38 "Talon" production model. This aircraft was built in 1,187 examples and began USAF service in 1961.
While the government-funded two-seat N-156T was now finding a respectable existence in the inventory of the USAF, the single-seat N-156F was not an entirely forgotten endeavor for Northrop. Instead, she was moved along in development at a slower pace as a privately funded venture by Northrop. Fate ultimately came to knock on the door of the N-156F during the height of the Cold War. In an effort to keep pace with the Soviet military reach across the world, the "Military Assistance Program" (MAP) was enacted by the United States to help those budget conscious American-allies field capable military hardware. The promising low-cost, easy-to-use nature of the N-156F seem to fit the proverbial bill and Northrop received a government contract to produce three working prototypes for official USAF evaluation. The first of these achieved initial flight on July 30th, 1959 out of Edwards AFB. Of note during this first run was the prototype exceeding the sound barrier without issue - proving the design inherently sound and efficient. The N-156F prototypes furthermore showcased strong qualities that would be pertinent to the air-to-air and ground attack roles making her a truly multi-role platform.
The New Northrop Fighter Gets Named
Despite the promising early showing, the USAF exerted a lackadaisical response in pushing the N-156F program further into 1960. It was not until 1961 that the project gained some slight interest from the US Army looking for close-support and reconnaissance platform but the move was derailed to keep the USAF as the only "true" fixed-wing, air combat arm in the US military. The N-156F was once again in limbo for a time longer until an initiative by then-President John F. Kennedy brought about a new requirement for a budget export fighter under the "F-X" program to serve American allies worldwide.
On April 23rd, 1962, the N-156F was formally declared the winner of F-X and, on August 9th, 1962, she was removed of her N-156F prototype designation and officially labeled as the "F-5" in accordance with the revamped USAF designation system of September 1962 (the old system ended with the General Dynamics F-111 Aardvark, so the new Northrop fighter was christened with the smaller-value "F-5" designator). As such, her first production models were known as "F-5A". To go along with her export-minded existence, the F-5A was nicknamed the "Freedom Fighter" and production was slated to begin in October of 1962 with the first flight of a production-quality F-5A example was recorded in May of 1963. Production of F-5A models ran to 1972.
The F-5A "Freedom Fighter" and the Two-Seat F-5B
The F-5A was a basic aircraft design that was optimized for air-to-ground operations with limited air-to-air serviceability. This was mostly due to the lack of any onboard fire control radar system to help identify, track and engage aerial targets with guided/homing missiles all her own. The F-5A was powered by a pair of General Electric J85-GE-13 turbojet engines featuring 2,720lbs of standard thrust and 4,080lbs of thrust with afterburning (raw fuel pumped into the engine to produce a short burst of power and, therefore, heightened speed and performance). Maximum speed was Mach 1.4 / 925mph (36,000 feet) with a service ceiling up to 50,500 feet. Maximum range on internal fuel was around 1,387 miles. Standard armament included 2 x M39 20mm cannons on either side of the nose assembly. Two AIM-9 Sidewinders were exclusively fitted to the wingtips. There were four underwing and a single underfuselage hardpoint for the carrying of bombs, rocket pods and missiles - up to 6,200lbs of ordnance. External fuel stores could replace some of the weapons stations.
The F-5B development stemmed from the F-5A before it and was nothing more than two-seat "combat trainer" with the purpose of training future F-5 pilots while also retaining some of her inherent combat value. With the addition of the second instructor's cockpit came the loss of one of the M39 cannons and some internal space while introducing a new, revised longer nose assembly.
Northrop produced 636 F-5A models and 200 F-5B examples. Both were purchased in quantity by US allies through MAP. The F-5A single-seat production model was further branched out into a dedicated reconnaissance mount in the RF-5A "Tigereye", these fitting up to four KS-92A series photographic cameras in a slightly redesigned nose assembly of which 86 examples were produced. Additionally, Canadair of Canada locally-produced the types under license as the CF-5A and the CF-5B from 1965 to 1970. These were differentiated from their American sisters by the addition of an in-flight refueling probe and more powerful Orenda J85-CAN0-15 series engines to suit Canadian requirements. Canadair also supplied these mounts to the air force of the Netherlands and these were further designated as NF-5A and NF-5B respectively. Canadair produced at least 240 F-5 examples. Spain took to license-producing the fighter as well, with CASA handling the local program and 70 airframes were ultimately delivered.
F-5s in Vietnam - the "Skoshi Tigers"
With the United States embroiled in the Vietnam War, a single squadron of F-5A was selected by the USAF for combat evaluation in October of 1965. The evaluation lasted from October of 1966 to March of 1967 with the name of "Skoshi Tiger" (Little Tiger) assigned to these program F-5s. At least 12 initial airframes were enlisted for action and served with the 4503rd Tactical Fighter Squadron and a handful more soon joined the effort. Modifications to these "Tigers" included the installation of better in-cockpit instrumentation, increased armor protection and support for "probe and drogue" in-flight refueling. The changes necessitated a new designation which gave birth to the F-5C mark. These F-5Cs operated under the banner of the 3rd Tactical Fighter Wing out of Bien Hoa and Da Nang Air Base and covered some 2,600 missions over Vietnam and Laos with only one airframe was lost to action.
Despite the solid showing (in both air-to-air and air-to-ground actions) during the conflict, the USAF still shown no interest in procuring the Northrop product. However, the combat evaluation did serve a political motive as it showcased the viability of the F-5 as a multi-role platform to interested nations "still on the fence". After the USAF program in Vietnam was completed, the modified F-5Cs were delivered to the South Vietnam Air Force. With the fall of the city of Bien Hoa in South Vietnam, some of these F-5Cs were reconstituted back into service with the Communist North and examples were further shipped to the Soviet Union for intense study.
Of note during this period of the F-5s tenure was that the Vietnam "Skoshi Tigers" gave rise to the F-5 nickname of "Tiger" as in "F-5 Tiger".
The International Fighter Aircraft (IFA) Program
By 1970, the United States was looking for a replacement for the export-minded F-5A to keep pace with advancing Soviet fighter developments and penciled requirements to fit the new "International Fighter Aircraft (IFA) program. The goal behind the program was to field a capable air-to-air fighter to compete against the ubiquitous Mikoyan-Gurevich MiG-21 "Fishbed" series being fielded en mass to Warsaw Pact nations and interested Soviet allies. Northrop threw its hat into the ring once again and developed a variation of the single-seat F-5A to become the new-model "F-5A-21". Northrop was awarded the defense contract for the new fighter and the design evolved to become the definitive "F-5E" production variant.
The Northrop F-5E "Tiger II"
The F-5E model retained much of the qualities that had made the previous F-5A a global market success. Special attention was applied to improve performance by fitting a pair of General Electric J85-21/21A series engines, each rated for 5,000 thrust output. The service ceiling was slightly raised to 51,800 feet and range was improved to 1,543 miles. The fuselage was therefore enlarged and lengthened to accommodate the new powerplants as well as extra stores of internal fuel to help increase operational range. Avionics were upgraded with the Emerson Electric AN/APQ-153 series radar and various other customer-required systems could further be installed as needed - in a way making the F-5E something of a modular platform. Maneuverability was enhanced by the addition of leading edge extensions along the wings which produced a larger wing surface area as a result. The twin M39 cannons were retained but upgraded to the M39A2 series and ordnance load was increased to 7,000lbs. First flight of the F-5E variant occurred on August 11th, 1972 and the type was formally designated as the F-5E "Tiger II".
As in the F-5A development before it, the F-5E was also branched out into a two-seat version designated as the "F-5F". With the addition of the second (instructor's) cockpit, one of the M39A2 internal cannons was deleted and the nose was lengthened. The Emerson Electric AN/APQ-157 radar (based on the aforementioned AN/APQ-153 series) was a standard fixture. Later versions were offered with the upgraded Emerson Electric AN/APG-69 series radar system but this modernization proved cost-prohibitive to all customers except the USAF. Like the F-5A earlier, the F-5E was also developed into the single-seat RF-5E "Tigereye" photographic reconnaissance variant.
The USAF received their first F-5E models with the 425th Tactical Fighter Squadron though it was mostly foreign parties that took an interest in Tiger II procurement with some 20 air forces around the world went on to field the type. The 425th TFS utilized their new F-5Es to train foreign forces.
In all, 792 F-5E models were produced by Northrop facilities. Northrop also added manufacture of 140 F-5F two-seat combat trainers and a further 12 RF-5E Tigereyes. Taiwan produced the F-5E/F-5F in quantity, totaling some 308 aircraft deliveries in all. Switzerland also undertook local-license production of these new versions and produced 91 F-5E and F-5F models. South Korea added 68 local examples.
The F-5E served with the USAF from 1975 to 1990 as part of the 26th, 64th, 65th and 627th aggressor squadrons in the US and worldwide (UK-527th and Philippines-26th) . The F-5E was also notably used by the United States Navy as aggressor training aircraft for its "Top Gun" pilot school at Miramar, California. The USMC purchased some ex-USAF F-5 models in 1989 to replace their F-21 (Israeli Kfir) aggressors.
The Ill-fated F-20 Tigershark
The global success of the F-5 series prompted a newer, single-engine, single-seat model to appear. This was a modified F-5E initially designated as the F-5G. Engine output was increased by as much as 80 percent from the original design and other revisions made for a more potent adversary. Ultimately, the program grew apart from her F-5 origins enough that she received the all-new F-20 "Tigershark" designation. However, the F-20 was up against stiff competition with the arrival of the do-everything General Dynamics F-16 Fighter Falcon lightweight fighter of similar scope but broader capabilities. Additionally, the USAF's decision to pass on procurement of the Tigershark essentially doomed it for global sales - its local endorsement proved quite vital in the global market.
Canada pushed their F-5 mounts into a comprehensive modernization program that brought about renewed airframes, updated avionics suites, Hands-on-Throttle-and-Stick (HOTAS) control and a Heads-Up Display (HUD). All served well to keep the fighter flying for a few decades longer. Other countries followed with localized upgrade programs all their own, though not to the Canadian extent, and many still field the F-5 series in one form or another. Singapore added AIM-120 AMRAAM and Rafael Python missile support to their F-5S and F-5T models (single and dual-seat forms respectively). Chile and Brazil, with help from the Israeli firm of Elbit, added Elbit radar systems and (Brazilian types) capability for the Python missile. Israel also helped to upgrade Thailand F-5 mounts with Python missile support.
The F-5 Legacy
Beyond her noted operational forms above, the Northrop F-5 airframe served as the basis for such designs as the YF-17 technology demonstrator (competing unsuccessfully against what would become the General Dynamics F-16 Fighting Falcon) and the F/A-18 Hornet - the American Navy's preeminent carrier-based multi-role fighter that replaced the venerable Grumman swing-wing F-14 Tomcats in service. NASA employed a single F-5E airframe with a revised, deeper fuselage for experimentation in DARPA's "Shaped Sonic Boom Demonstration" program. The airframe survived its testing and became a permanent fixture at the Valiant Air Command Museum in Florida.
Despite its 1962 introduction, the F-5 series still maintains an operational status worldwide.
May 2020 - Switzerland is actively seeking a direct fighter replacement for its aging fleet of F-5 aircraft. The program is designated "Air2030".
“All things in the world are two. In our minds we are two, good and evil. With our eyes we see two things, things that are fair and things that are ugly… We have the right hand that strikes and makes for evil, and we have the left hand full of kindness, near the heart. One foot may lead us to an evil way, the other foot may lead us to a good. So are all things two, all two. “
Eagle Chief (Letakos-Lesa) – Pawnee
Eagle Chief (Letakos-Lesa) – Pawnee-
Pawnee Tribe. map-learner.org
Pawnee history can be traced over seven hundred years, when they lived along the North Platt River in Nebraska, when there were over 10,000 members…The Tribe then, as it is now, was composed of four distinct bands: the Chaui “Grand” the Kitkehahki, “Republican” the Pitahawirata, “Tappage” and Skidi, “Wolf”. Each band went on separate hunts and often fought separate battles.
The Pawnee villages consisted of dome-shaped, earth-covered lodges with a diameter of 25 to 60 feet with a long entrance leading towards the East. A center pit dug three to four feet in diameter served as a fireplace. These lodges housed extended families. Pawnees dressed similar to other plains tribes however, the Pawnees had a special way of preparing the scalp lock by dressing it with buffalo fat until it stood erect and curved backward like a horn.
The Pawnees were well known for their ability to raid neighboring tribes and acquire their horses. They set out on foot and brought back hundreds of horses, especially from the tribes to the South and Southwest. Horses gave the Pawnees the mobility that made them a name to be feared by their enemies…Pawnee warriors were men of courage and great endurance. Even when outnumbered and outgunned, they fought valiantly. Some of these warrior feats were considered legendary.
Although the Pawnees never waged open war against the U.S. Government and were classified as a “friendly tribe”, extra privileges were not gained. The government felt the need to placate warring tribes with gifts, which sometimes consisted of rifles to hunt buffalo. These rifles were in turn used against other tribes, including the Pawnees, who were not so fortunately armed.
Before the middle of the 19th century, the Tribe was stricken with smallpox and cholera. A great loss of life occurred and by 1900, the tribe”s membership was decreased to approximately 600.
The Pawnees unwillingly ceded their lands to the U.S. Government in 1833, 1848, 1857 and 1872. The move from Nebraska to what is now Pawnee County was completed in 1875.
The Pawnee Indian Agency was established just east of the present site of the City of Pawnee and an Indian boarding school, called Pawnee Industrial School, was built. The school affectionately known as “Gravy U” was closed in 1958 and the land was returned to the tribe in 1968.
Tribalpedia’s Questions for Comprehension and Discussion
1. In what area of the United States did the Pawnee first live?
2. During that time, how many members were there?
3. The Pawnee wore clothing similar to the other plains tribes with the exception of one difference. What was this difference?
4. The Pawnee raided other tribes and took which animals?
5. The U.S. Government saw the Pawnee as what type of tribe?
6. Ancestral descent is traced through which parent?
Today, many of the old “Gravy U” buildings have been renovated and are now used as tribal offices and are the home to the Pawnee Nation College, established in 2006.
The tribal enrollment is a little over 2,500 members and Pawnees can be found in all areas of the United States… Pawnees take much pride in their ancestral heritage. They are noted in history for their tribal religion, rich in myth, symbolism and elaborate rites.
The Pawnee Business Council is the supreme governing body of the Pawnee Tribe of Oklahoma… The Executive Office works closely with the Pawnee Business Council (PBC) in providing support in developing strategic direction…The Pawnee are a matrilineal people. Ancestral descent is traced through the mother, and, traditionally, a young couple moved into the bride’s parents’ lodge. People work together in collaborative ways, marked by both independence and cooperation, without coercion. Both women and men are active in political life, with independent decision-making responsibilities.
Acee Blue Eagle- artist and educator
John EchoHawk, lawyer and founder of the Native American Rights Fund
Kevin Gover, director of the National Museum of the American Indian.
A Pawnee Legend
Tirawa Atius is the lord of all things and it is he alone who determines fate. At the beginning of the world, he set a large bull buffalo in the sky to the far northwest. With the passage of each year, the bull loses one hair when all these hairs are gone, the world will end. As that hair falls, there will be widespread meteor showers, and the sun and moon will become dim.
In the beginning, Tirawa Atius appointed the North Star and the South Star to control fate. The North Star once spoke directly to the Pawnee and told them that the South Star moved just a little bit to the north with each passing year. When the South Star catches up with the North Star, then the world will end.
The command for the final destruction of the world is in the hands of the four gods of the directions. The West will issue the command that the world be destroyed and the East will obey. Then the stars in heaven will fall to the new earth and become people. The people left in this world at the time of destruction will fly high into the sky and become stars themselves.